Material of the Agency for Legislative Initiatives for ‘Ukrainska Pravda’
The 14th session of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine is far from the strongest in the ninth convocation in terms of quantitative performance — as evidenced by data from the parliamentary Monitoring conducted by the Agency for Legislative Initiatives. This is not about a single unsuccessful week or a few failed votes. It reflects systemic problems in the work of the Verkhovna Rada, confirmed by a combination of indicators and data.
The parliamentary crisis has already been widely discussed. MPs themselves are also speaking about it. Andrii Motovylovets, First Deputy Head of the ‘Servant of the People’ faction, stated that it is becoming increasingly difficult to secure votes for draft laws required for budget formation and the fulfilment of international obligations. Moreover, according to him, around 40 MPs are ready to resign their mandates — approximately 10% of the total composition of Parliament.
Let us compare the figures with the realities described by MPs themselves and consider how Parliament can overcome this crisis and restore its lost pace of work.
Too little, too slow and not important enough
The Ukrainian Parliament is not paralysed, but its effectiveness has noticeably declined. Committees, Temporary Investigative Commissions (TICs) and plenary sessions are held regularly. Decisions are still adopted. So where, and how, does the crisis manifest itself?
- Slow pace. On average, it takes Parliament 382 days to adopt a law at second reading — the slowest rate of the entire ninth convocation.
- Low-priority initiatives. A significant share of adopted laws consists of ratifications and minor amendments, while key European integration legislation has not progressed — only two European integration laws have secured sufficient votes.
- A sharp decline in output. Between September 2025 and February 2026, the Verkhovna Rada adopted only 63 laws — the lowest figure of the entire ninth convocation. This is four times less than during its most productive period, when Parliament adopted 229 laws between February and August 2022.
If such a pace continues, Ukraine may end up celebrating its accession to the EU alongside the beginning of the 22nd century (assuming accession takes place only after all European integration laws are adopted). This is how long — 75 years — it would take to pass all 300 European integration draft laws referred to by Deputy Prime Minister for European and Euro-Atlantic Integration Taras Kachka. (If two such laws are adopted per session, which lasts half a year, this results in four laws per year. 300/4 = 75. These calculations do not account for the likely expansion of the acquis communautaire.)
Such a pace appears particularly striking given that the first 100 days of the new Government fell in autumn 2025 — a period when the Cabinet of Ministers would be expected to operate at peak intensity, including, for example, approving its Programme of Activities.
Why has this crisis emerged? In numerous interviews with various media outlets, MPs point to a range of factors:
- lack of communication between Parliament and the Government, as well as within the mono-majority;
- backlash over ‘Mindichgate’ and its consequences;
- internal conflicts;
- developments surrounding NABU/SAPO;
- as well as a series of notices of suspicion issued to MPs by anti-corruption bodies.
What can be stated with confidence is that this crisis began in the summer, not in the winter — this is clearly reflected in the data.
Imperfect but indispensable: the role of Parliament during wartime
Talk of EU accession in 2027, international support linked to meeting structural benchmarks set by the International Monetary Fund, as well as compliance with the Ukraine Facility Plan, can all be set aside unless the situation changes (that is, unless the Verkhovna Rada begins adopting the laws envisaged by the Ukraine Facility Plan and required for Ukraine’s accession to the EU).
There is no alternative to the Verkhovna Rada in this process. Neither the Cabinet of Ministers nor the President has the authority to adopt laws. Yet it is precisely legislation that is required — both for European integration and for securing financing under the ‘funding in exchange for reforms’ model. Without it, Ukraine will struggle to finance even the most critical budget items, such as defence expenditure, let alone programmes such as national cashback schemes.
A functioning Parliament is essential for maintaining democratic order and the trust of international partners. While criticism of the Verkhovna Rada’s low productivity is justified, undermining the institution itself is dangerous.
Even a weakened Parliament is preferable to an institutional vacuum. An empty Verkhovna Rada will not pass a budget or adopt laws. Nor is it desirable to imagine a scenario in which someone decides to dissolve Parliament and assume its powers. It is better not to describe in detail a sequence of events involving a coup d’état, a cascading collapse of state institutions, the spectre of a Libya-style civil war, or a rapid occupation of Ukrainian territory…
The good news is that the Verkhovna Rada still has 393 sitting MPs, full legitimacy and even a formally existing coalition (a parliamentary faction in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine that holds the rights of a coalition of parliamentary factions). Parliament can still be revitalised.
Scenarios for overcoming the crisis
All scenarios for overcoming the crisis share one common element — restoring dialogue within the Parliament – Government – President triangle. The question is how exactly this can be achieved.
The first scenario is the formation of a national unity coalition, which was discussed in 2022 and could improve the situation in 2026. What was previously seen as a ‘desirable option’ is now becoming a practical necessity due to the lack of votes. This scenario may be complemented by a reconfiguration of the Government, the adoption of compromise draft laws and the signing of a formal coalition agreement. However, it requires genuine dialogue and mutual concessions involving parliamentary minority factions and groups.
The second scenario is to improve interaction between the current Government and Parliament. MPs point to:
- chaotic communication;
- lack of accountability;
- exclusion from decision-making processes.
These issues could be addressed by the Cabinet of Ministers led by Yuliia Svyrydenko, provided it finds effective ways of engaging with the Verkhovna Rada.
The third scenario is a reconfiguration of the Government. If the root cause of the crisis lies in poor communication between the Government and Parliament and the current Cabinet is unable to improve it, it may be worth giving a new one a chance. Formally, this step could be taken by the Servant of the People faction alone, although securing support from other factions appears more realistic. A key principle in this process should be ensuring that Parliament has a genuine influence over the selection of ministerial candidates — this would shape MPs’ attitudes towards the new Government.
The fourth scenario is to restore internal dialogue within Parliament. This could lead to mutual support for draft laws (so-called logrolling). It could also result in a review of MPs’ remuneration (if the issue indeed lies in the removal of informal top-up payments, as suggested by journalists). Alternatively, it may expand the scope of consensus voting — as is currently the case with votes on decrees extending martial law and mobilisation.
These scenarios may appear difficult to implement, but the alternative should not be overlooked — further deterioration during wartime could ultimately threaten statehood. Ultimately, overcoming the parliamentary crisis is possible. There are grounds for cautious optimism in the experience of the Verkhovna Rada two years ago (autumn 2023). At that time, the situation was similar: during the 10th session, Parliament adopted only 64 laws, of which just four were related to European integration. Yet by spring 2024, the situation had improved — albeit not as significantly as one might have hoped. Perhaps the desired progress can be achieved in 2026.
